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June 4 @ 21:38

ينظم المنتدى الاقتصادي المغاربي بإحدى نزل تطاوين يوم 19 أوت ندوة للتعريف بمنصّة "بنود" www.bounoud.tn وعرض مختلف خصائصها بحضور ممثلي المجتمع المدني والسلط الجهوية بولاية تطاوين والعديد من الخبراء الناشطين في مجال الطاقة والثروات الطبيعية.
وتمثل منصة بنود منصة متكاملة تم تطويرها بصفة تشاركية مع المجتمع المدني بتطاوين وتقدّم مؤشرات محيّنه ودقيقة ومدعّمة بالوثائق حول متابعة إنجاز اتفاق الكامور 2020.

ستكون هذه المنصة إطارا جامعا لمساعدة مختلف المتدخلين من سلطات وطنية وجهوية ومجتمع مدني وإعلام ومواطنين على متابعة تنفيذ اتفاق الكامور 2020 والمساهمة في خلق إطار مبني على الشفافية والثقة المتبادلة.

كما ستشمل بيانات عن شركات النفط والغاز الخاصة والشركات العمومية والبنوك والبلديات وشركات النقل ومشاركتها في الاتفاقيات الموقعة بين الحكومة والناشطين.
تندرج هذه الندوة في إطار برنامج "بنود" الذي يهدف الى دعم الدور الرقابي للمجتمع المدني بتطاوين على مختلف السياسات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية بالمنطقة.

كما سييتم التطرق خلال هذه الندوة إلى:

التعريف بفريق العمل
التعريف بنشاطات الفريق خلال الأربع سنوات الفارطة
تقديم الوسائل المعتمدة لإنجاز المنصة

سبق هذا الملتقى الختامي عديد الورشات التدريبية التي تطرقت أشغالها الى المواضيع الآتية:

تكوين حول إنتاج النفط والغاز في المنطقة
ورشة حول اعتصام الكامور 2017: السياق ومختلف المتدخلين
ورشة حول خصوصيات اتفاق الكامور 2017 – اتفاق الكامور 2020
ورشة حول منهجية جمع البيانات حول تطبيق الاتفاق
ورشة حول كيفية النفاذ إلى منصة بنود واستعمالها

Maghreb Economic Forum

+21671190019

View Organizer Website

contact@magef.org

June 4 @ 21:38

https://youtu.be/36_VbAJkxgE

Background

In December 2019, the European Commission adopted its landmark European Green Deal. The goal is to reach climate neutrality by 2050, and to turn the transition into an economic and industrial opportunity for Europe. An agreement was also recently reached on the European climate law which turns the EU’s commitment to reduce its net Greenhouse Gas Emissions (GHG) emissions by at least 55% by 2030 (compared to 1990 levels) into a legal obligation under the “Fit for 55” package unveiled on July 14th, 2021. In addition to GHG abatement goals, this package includes a proposal for its long-discussed carbon policy measure, the EU Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (EU CBAM), meant to avoid carbon leakage and encourage EU trading partners to accelerate their decarbonization strategies. Another important and explicit goal of the European Green Deal is to strengthen the EU’s global leadership. One of the ways it seeks to do this is by establishing environment, energy, and climate partnerships with the states of the EU’s southern neighborhood, including Maghreb countries. The EU can achieve this by pursuing key policy actions that could collectively be embedded under ‘Green Deal diplomacy’.

Welcoming Remarks

Antonio Villafranca, Director of Studies, ISPI

Panel Discussion

Amine Bennis, International Legal Counsel; Former Visiting Fellow, ECFR

Rim Berahab, Senior Economist, Policy Center for the New South

Ayman Cherkaoui, Coordinator and Head of Strategic Development, Mohammed VI Foundation for Environmental Protection

Larabi Jaïdi, Senior Fellow, Policy Center for the New South

Slim Othmani, President, Maghreb Economic Forum (MEF), Enterprise Action and Reflection Center (CARE)

Ilaria Urbani, Project Manager, MENA Region, RES4Africa Foundation

Introduction

Antonio Villafranca: Today’s event is a part of a series of events organized in preparation of the 7^th edition of the Rome MED conference which will take place from the 2^nd to the 4^th of December 2021 promoted by the ISPI and the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation.

The Rome MED aims to rethink traditional approaches to the area complementing analyses of current challenges with new ideas and suggestions and to draft a new “positive agenda”, addressing shared challenges at both the regional and the international level.

Launched in 2015, MED has quickly become the global hub for high–level dialogues on the broader Mediterranean engaging prominent leaders of Mediterranean governments, business, civil society, media, and academia.

Rome MED builds upon four pillars: Shared Prosperity, Shared Security, Migration, and Civil Society and Culture. Debates on these topics are intended to complement analyses of current challenges with new ideas and suggestions to scale-up economic cooperation, overcome regional rivalries and conflicts, and ensure that adequate incentives for sustainable development are set in motion.

One of the key issues of Rome MED will be; environment, green transition, energy transition which is the core of today’s webinar and in particular the link between EU Green Deal and the energy transition in Mena Region.

Uri Dadush: The “Fit for 55” initiative announced on July 14 aims to ensure that the EU is on track to achieve 55% greenhouse gas emission cut by 2030 from the level of 1990 and to achieve climate neutrality by 2050.

This represents a substantial acceleration of decarbonization from the previous target under the EU Green Deal over a couple of years ago. It is just a proposal by the commission still to be agreed in the European Parliament by the member States. The Fit for 55 initiative includes at 12 packages. These packages include; revising the emissions trading scheme of the European Union ( EU ETS ) which comprises:

A carbon border adjustment mechanism.
A revision of emissions regulations in EU States.
A revision taxation of energy.
A social climate fund.
Several special initiatives for many sectors such as road transport, aviation and maritime

To achieve the Paris Agreement, The United States and China would have to follow a similar path of that of the EU. In fact, every country in the world need to contribute in order to control the GHG and that includes the Maghreb countries.

The EU is the Maghreb’s most important economic partner and has very tight links to it going back to colonial times and way before.

The effects of the EU’s scheme will not work only through trade and investment among others, but also through the power of example.

Discussions

Amine Bennis: He has substantial experience of working on energy and infrastructure transactions and policy initiatives in the government and private sector. His geographic focus is the Mediterranean and Maghreb countries.

He started by recalling that his thoughts are inspired by a paper that he published earlier this year when he was visiting the European Council of Foreign Affairs[1].

One the explicit goals of the Green Deal is to strengthen the EU’s global leadership. And this by establishing environment, energy, and climate partnerships with countries of the EU southern neighborhoods and particularly those of the Maghreb region.

Therefore, he sees two main trends; the first one is the link between the EU Green Deal and economic development and migration. The EU GD can effectively offer solutions to create workforce opportunities in renewable energies which can contribute to economic development and mitigate migration flows.

The European development assistance for the development of the green energy sectors in Maghreb countries can provide a source of significant economic development and local employment. Not only European investors are involved, but also local developers, subcontractors, and workers.

The second main trend is the EU climate neutrality target and the hydrogen prospects from the Maghreb. Some EU States will need to import a large amount of green hydrogen to reach their carbon neutrality targets. Hydrogen can seasonally stored and transported cost-effectively over long distances using gas pipelines. The EU can actively pursue this potential for cooperation for green hydrogen with Maghreb countries a way to contribute to its 2050 carbon neutrality target.

In addition, there are various ways for the Europeans to use the GD to enhance cooperation with the Maghreb region and contribute to their reciprocal green transition. First by using financing sources or the EFSD + mechanism the European Fund for Sustainable Development-plus which is a new regulation and an integrated financial package that supplies financing capacity through grants, technical assistance, financial instruments, and budgetary guarantees.

So, the commission should incentivize companies willing to invest in renewables in the Maghreb by using this mechanism to bridge the funding gap of the energy transition.

In terms of policy dimensions, there’s a need to increase technical and capacity building assistance to some key energy stakeholders to facilitate the implementation of renewable projects.

Targeting the EU GD would also be an opportunity to create jobs, strengthen the resilience of fragile in the region.

All this requires a significant policy dialogue and transactional funding in a path that addresses common strategic interests such as development, migration, poverty reduction and local and inclusive employment.

Ilaria Urbani: she works to support Africa’s energy transition mainly covering Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, and Algeria.

Res4africa works to create a favorable condition for scaling renewable investment in Africa, bring on board some members and partners from all over the world and are on the forefront of the green energy revolution. Its commitment is to work in Africa, for Africa and with Africans.

It aims to translate the world into actions through strategic programs and strategic initiatives. One of them is the Res4med which aims to support the renewable energy transformation in the southern and eastern Mediterranean countries, promote dialogue and partnership, conduct strategic analysis, and disseminate the knowledge in dedicated events.

The Maghreb is one of the regions they are focusing on. With its huge renewable potential, it’s evidence that it can still play a central role for the EU and support it to meet the growing demand of its growing population and fight against the climate change it’s suffering from.

Libya ad Algeria account the highest co2 emission resulting from oil and gas production, and with Egypt they account 12% of global oil and gas methane emission.

Maghreb countries can avoid up to 55% of methane emissions with no cost because the value of the captured methane will be greater than the cost of installing the abatement measures. So, it’s crucial from now on to accelerate the up-take in the RE investment.

For the rest of Africa, they started to investigate why only 0.5% of the world additional RE historic capacity occurred in the Med. The results of this study will be presented next year.

While analyzing the factors that affected the RE growth, they discovered that politics often interfere with regulatory progress and there’s a lack of secondary legislation, slow amendment process, lack of bankability of PPAs, the difficulty to obtain souverain guarantee and in some cases also to secure financing from a local bank. Regarding the business environment, there’s a general lack of transparency. The same thing with the tenders.

Following a survey done in 2016, which focused on Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, and Jordan. Extended in 2021 to cover Libya, Algeria, and Lebanon, they discovered that overall risk level clearly shows the diversity of the region:

Morocco is a low risk perceived
Tunisia had made an important improvement in certain areas, but others require more politics effort.
Algeria and Libya are still perceived as a high risk, attracting RE investment still requires significant additional effort.

The public sector was also included in the survey in 2021. They discovered that the perceptions are not the same. The private sector stakeholders tend to see more risks than the public sector.

What can be done to boost the RE development in the region?

Four urgent solutions need to be implemented:

Foster energy mix diversification
Promote structural changes
Improve policy and regulatory framework
Improve energy cooperation

Rim Berahab: she works mainly on energy issues, but actually on a number of other development issues at the Policy center of the New South where she’s a Senior Economist.

As an economist and a researcher from the Maghreb, she can’t help but wonder about the implications of these ambitious packages like the EU GD on the region and particularly on Morocco. That’s why she decided to take a different outlook and bring attention to a specific mechanism introduced within the “Fit55” unveiled last July with a special focus on the carbon border adjustment mechanism to highlight the areas of concern and issues that the CBAM is likely to raise for developing countries including those of the Maghreb.

The CBAM aims to apply the same carbon tax to the import of high emitting and highly trade exposed sector as is applied to domestic producers in the EU. So far, five categories of products are covered by this tax which are electricity, iron and steel aluminum cement and fertilizers.

1^st point of concern: Morocco is not a big exporter of these goods except for fertilizers but given that Morocco and the EU share strong economic ties. Morocco is still highly emission intensive particularly for heavy industries meaning that it produces more GHG emissions per unit of value added more than the EU which puts Morocco at risks.

2nd point of concern: The negative implications that the EU likely to have on the global trading system. It’s true that the CBAM can technically be presented as WTO compliance. However, assuming that other countries opt for such systems, the structure of each national scheme will vary as with the many assumptions needed to calculate the appropriate tax in each case.

Therefore, carbon border tax whether based on EU ETS or other systems will vary not by country of destination and product but also by country of origin and firm and this is a practice that would significantly deviate from the WTO’s most favored nation principle.

The 3^rd point of concern is that the CBAM might also be seen as inconsistent with the Paris Agreement itself because the proposed mechanism would penalize the least developing countries where the implicit carbon tax is below the EU price or where carbon intensity is higher. That’s why the CBAM is viewed as illegitimate by many developing countries and others.

In her opinion and despite being a well-intentioned effort to encourage decarbonization outside EU’s border, the EU CBAM introduces enormous complexities that risk fatally undermining the already fragile foundation of the world trading system and will also be strongly resisted by the developing countries that perceive it as inconsistent with the Paris Agreement.

Slim Othmani: who gave a business perspective from his think tanks that deal mainly on these issues in the Maghreb by answering this question:

How are the Maghreb countries progressing on their decarbonization plans?

Slim assumes that both Maghreb countries and EU should have the same priorities which in fact are not. All what had been presented in this webinar further proves his claims as almost everything made around the energy transition are one-side, and evidently for the EU.

Even if the Maghreb governments agreed to follow the global recommendations and sign the different international agreements on climate change, this can’t deny the fact we and the EU are not in the same boat. The Maghreb still has so many issues that Europe has already overcome. Issues that require good infrastructure, qualified human resources, know-how, and funding without compromise on the sovereignty of those countries. This means more political and diplomatic discussions in perspective with the EU.

The Desertec Project can be taken as an example. The political issues in Europe could jeopardize the development and the execution of such a transition plan in the region. The conflict between two European countries has aggravated an already unbalanced situation and has led to abandon this huge project which could supply Both North Africa and Europe with electricity.

Despite the importance of all these deals, mainly initiated by rich countries – and that require billions of dollars, our region still struggles to obtain enough water. This should be the Maghreb’s priority before spending billions of dollars to make Europe greener.

Larabi Jaïdi: He’s an economist who focuses on international issues, social development, and Mediterranean studies and is a member of the royal commission on the new development model in Morocco. He’s very active member who’s looked overall at the development strategy of Morocco which of course has to include these climate issues as well.

He believes that the ambition to make Europe the first climate neutral continent by 2050 cannot achieved by Europe on its own. The transformation of the EU economy will also depend on its partners’ effort including in its most immediate neighborhood such as the Maghreb.

The ambition of the EU GD in the Maghreb context is marked by the socio-economic consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic.

The debate is how to catch this opportunity to use this crisis towards a greener and a more circular model in Maghreb countries. Energy will be addressed as one of the pillars of this transition where interdependence between both shores of the Mediterranean demands coordination and collaborative solutions.

Regarding the Covid-19 recovery process, the Maghreb countries are in a context to turn this crisis into an opportunity for a green a circular transition which require noting short than of a major structural transformation of economic models, domestically and globally.

Due to the social, political, and economic heterogeneity in the region, it’s obvious that one size fits all solution is not suitable. The Maghreb countries are far from mainstreaming green and sustainable development principles in their economies despite the progress in Morocco and Tunisia.

The Maghreb countries need to include domain specific study to propose recommendations on how to accelerate the green economy in this particular context.

The success of the EU GD is intertwined with a green transition is the economy and Maghreb and more largely the southern Mediterranean countries. In this regard, is the energy package of the EU GD relevant to promote the future partnerships with these countries.

This package needs to complement the objective of securing the energy supply in EU with radical change in EU’s support to hydrocarbon production and marketing in southern and eastern Mediterranean countries.

In this context also, the renewed partnership proposes a new ambitious innovative agenda for the Maghreb countries. This agenda incorporates new area of forms of corporation identified during the Covid-19 race crisis. It offers opportunities on strategic priorities for green and digital transition and is based on the conviction that sustainable prosperity and resilience can only be built on strong partnership.

The challenges that this renewed agenda may face is how to reinforce resilient economies in the Maghreb and how to build sustainable economies as it’s the question for almost all the Maghreb countries.

Ayman Cherkaoui: from the Mohamed IV Foundation for Environmental Protection. A foundation that has been working on these issues for many years.

The foundation activities focus on environmental awareness raising and capacity building. It has a series of activities that look at coastlines, air quality and evidently climate action.

The geographic scope of the foundation and its partners encompasses the entire Moroccan territory and beyond specifically Africa and Mediterranean Sea.

The interest of the foundation for climate action is not recent. The foundation was one of the first stakeholders in the Arab region and Africa to put in place greenhouse gas calculation tools based on a methodology from the EU but adapted and contextualized to Morocco.

As such, the foundation has more recently launched an effort in a facilitative manner in close partnership with leading stakeholders in the country including ministries and research institutes. This coalition of stakeholders will be working on how to further decarbonize the Moroccan economy.

One of its objectives is to update and adjust the greenhouse GHG emissions tool put in place a decade ago. Since ten a lot of progress has been made in the country. But at the same time there are areas of improvement whether it is in terms of the tool itself but also in terms of the actions that can be undertaken by the various partners, by the Moroccan economic stakeholders as a whole.

[1] https://ecfr.eu/publication/power-surge-how-the-european-green-deal-can-succeed-in-morocco-and-tunisia/

June 4 @ 21:38

https://youtu.be/JUVLX7PxUmk

The period since the IDRC launched its research initiative, Understanding and Addressing Youth Experiences with Violence, Exclusion and Injustice in 2017–and more ominously still, since UNSCR 2250 was adopted in 2015—has coincided with significant shrinking of civic space and erosion of democratic rights and freedoms across much of Africa. Freedom House‘s Freedom in the World report1 in 2020 documented the 14th year of what it described as an ̳alarming global decline in democratic governance and respect for human rights‘, with sub-Saharan Africa (and West Africa in particular) leading the world in both positive and negative movement: of the 12 largest declines globally, seven were in sub- Saharan Africa, and of the seven largest improvements, six were in the region. Only seven countries in sub-Saharan Africa were now in Freedom House‘s Free‘ category—the lowest figure since 1991. Furthermore, only 9 percent of the population in sub-Saharan Africa now lived in ̳Free‘ countries, compared with 11 percent in 2018.

In addition, a large number of African countries had introduced curbs on NGOs, particularly those working in the human rights and governance sectors, and more were poised to follow:

In Africa, as in other regions of the world, restrictions that hamstring NGO activity form part of a broader strategy adopted by regimes to narrow democratic space and prevent challenges to the rule of strongmen and governing parties. .....Curbs on NGOs working in Africa, particularly those that focus on human rights and governance, are being imposed in the context of a global assault on democracy that often appears to be coordinated across borders.

Regimes have taken advantage of the pandemic lockdown to introduce further restrictions on freedom of association and on the ability of opposition groups to mobilize and/or campaign openly.

Concomitantly, the notion of coupling democracy‘ with development‘ –a linchpin of the liberal development discourse--was being challenged by authoritarian models which were demonstrating success in generating rapid and broad-based development and alleviating mass poverty (backed in the case of the most successful representative of the genre, China, by diplomacy and serious amounts of cash).

The main danger is that with creeping authoritarianism and shrinking civic space, youth would no longer have the space to advocate on their own behalf, at the same time

telegraphing the radical notion (already a principal lesson of the Jasmine Revolution) that ̳democracy‘ is no longer sufficient.

And yet paradoxically—even while there is considerable evidence that youth have been losing faith in the state and political institutions and recoiling from politics- this period is also characterized by striking acts of youth political activism, interpreted by one critic as intended to ̳renegotiate the social contract with the state‘,3 including:

Zimbabwe protests that led to the military coup to remove Mugabe

Sudan protests that removed Al Bashir

South African ̳tuition‘ protests

#EndSARS

#FixKenya, #FixGhana protests

There is evidence also of women‘s independent leadership (not just participation) in these protests, as well as (it is claimed) inter-class alliances (educated youth from the middle class joining with youth from the informal settlements). As importantly, the recent presidential elections in Zambia and the upset of the incumbent, widely attributed to youth mobilization, is a demonstration of the real power wielded by youth at the ballot box. Uganda is a classic example of this collision between self-perpetuating (and increasingly gerontocratic) regimes, and growing Youth militancy. Objective of the Webinar: In the research that took place under the IDRC funding initiative, ̳Resilience‘ emerges as the crucial attribute (or variable) that inoculates the youth against private and public sources of violence, as well systemic marginalization and exclusion. There is much less focus, by contrast, on how youth activism and mobilization may be summoned to transform oppressive social, economic and political conditions, or foster more democratic, accountable and inclusive governance In this webinar, we interrogate the shrinkage in civic space that has occurred across much of Africa and its implications for youth activism, development and inclusion; we also pinpoint three case studies where analysis of youth political activism was incorporated into the research, as the focal point for the broader discussion and lessons learned. The following questions will be considered (among others):

(a) How does (or can) youth activism advance inclusive, democratic and accountable Governance (experience of Tunisia)?

(b) What have we learned from efforts to enhance youth political inclusion (example: the campaign for youth seat quotas in the Zimbabwe parliament (YETT)? How do youth themselves define ̳inclusion‘?

(c) What success has attended Youth political agency/electoral mobilization to challenge incumbency, such as the National Unity Party in Uganda (GAPS)?

(d) What about those countries that featured in the IDRC research (such as Burkina Faso, Mali, Tanzania, and even Senegal) where Freedom House also recorded significant declines in civic space and democratic freedoms?

(c) Finally, what have we learned from the various forms of youth political and policy engagement (in both formal and informal spaces)? What entry points and alliances are involved? What works and what does not (eg single issue protest/advocacy vs demands for systemic change and accountability) and how do we ensure that gender equity is taken on board, etc?

[The KPSRL Conference will deal with global dimensions of these questions, and how global resources (including aid and diplomacy) can be brought to bear to support youth causes and enhance inclusion]

The webinar will be moderated by Dr. Olawale Ismail, a leading Youth researcher at the African Leadership Centre in Nairobi and Kings College London, and co-author (with Funmi Olonisakin) most recently of ―Why do youth participate in violence in Africa? A review of evidence‖, Conflict, Security & Development (June 2012). (Publication may be accessed at https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1933035). Dr Ismail also led a recent webinar on Youth-led Protest and the Renegotiation of the 'State' in Africa: initial mapping assessment‘, ALC Research Seminars: No. 3: African Leadership Centre (ALC), Nairobi, 29th June 2021

IDRC – CRDI

View Organizer Website

June 4 @ 21:38

ينظم المنتدى الاقتصادي المغاربي بإحدى نزل الحمامات اليوم، السبت 5 جوان الورشة الختامية في أساليب النفاذ الى المعلومة في مجال الصناعات الاستخراجية تحت إشراف السيد شرف الدين اليعقوبي، الخبير في مجال الحوكمة ومحاربة الفساد بحضور ثلة من ممثلي المجتمع المدني بولاية تطاوين.

كما ستشهد هذه الورشة لقاء عن بعد مع السيد منجي مرزوق، وزير الطاقة السابق لمناقشة الاشكاليات المطروحة حول ورقات العمل والمتعلقة بحوكمة الثروات الطبيعية.

سبق هذا الملتقى الختامي عديد الحلقات التكوينية التي تندرج كلها ضمن مشروع “مشاورات 2” الذي يسعى إلى معالجة التحديات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية العاجلة في ولايتي قفصة وتطاوين.

كما يعمل البرنامج على تحسين سبل حوكمة الموارد الطبيعية في المنطقتين وتدريب مختلف المشاركين على أساليب النفاذ إلى المعلومة المتعلقة بإدارة الموارد الطبيعية، تحليلها، تقييمها، دراستها ومن ثم دمجها في استراتيجيات المناصرة.

أهم محاور هذا المشروع هي:

الوصول إلى المعلومات عن الموارد الطبيعية
إدارة الموارد الطبيعية
آليات تقاسم الإيرادات
المسؤولية الاجتماعية للشركات
اللامركزية
استراتيجيات المناصرة
صياغة المذكرات الإرشادية

المنتدى الاقتصادي المغاربي

المنتدى الاقتصادي المغاربي هو مؤسسة بحث غير حكومية، تأسست سنة 2011 من أجل تعزيز الوحدة المغاربية وفتح الأفاق أمام خلق فرص اقتصادية واجتماعية جديدة في المنطقة فضلا عن رعاية ومساندة جيل جديد من الشباب المسؤول في ليبيا وتونس والجزائر والمغرب وموريتانيا ودفعه نحو المشاركة في الحياة العامة والمساهمة في وضع برامج تناسب المنطقة المغاربية الجديدة.

Maghreb Economic Forum

+21671190019

View Organizer Website

contact@magef.org

June 4 @ 21:38

https://youtu.be/iwlQ5TQv-Ns

Contre toute attente, nous assistons en cette période de rentrée 2021 à des re-confinements drastiques dans de nombreux pays et ce, en dépit des premières campagnes de vaccination.
Le Maghreb demeure la région la moins intégrée du monde avec des flux d’échanges inter-régionaux estimés à moins de 5% du total des transactions commerciales.

Le prolongement de la pandémie représente une sérieuse menace pour les indicateurs macroéconomiques : récession économique moyenne de 5% dans la zone en 2020 d’après le FMI, fort taux de chômage et faible dispositif d’aides sociales, etc.

Cependant, la crise sanitaire est aussi un accélérateur de l’histoire et peut être ainsi un levier de mobilisation régionale. Face au mur dressé depuis plus de 25 ans par les institutions, la pandémie invite les acteurs économiques à faire un pas de côté pour se glisser dans un couloir dynamique d’échanges et de partenariats. L’entrée en vigueur de la ZLECAF en janvier 2021 peut être un ressort supplémentaire pour impulser une stratégie commune maghrébine.

Les entreprises maghrébines, constituées à plus de 90% de PME/TPE, ont besoin de nouer des liens pragmatiques autour de projets innovants, inclusifs, et facilement déployables.

Le pas de côté se concrétise à travers ce rendez-vous trimestriel des entrepreneurs du Maghreb au service d’une nouvelle vision : Rendre possible une intégration régionale basée sur approche business.

Ce second webinar nous invite à mettre en exergue le rôle des patronats aux stratégies nationales et leur impact.

Le Maghreb représenterait une solution supplémentaire de sortie de crise à travers une nouvelle forme de coopération dans ce contexte économique difficile. Ainsi, intéressons-nous aux secteurs clés qui dynamiseraient le commerce intra-maghrébin et in fine, créeraient des emplois.

La situation actuelle du Maghreb peut se résumer en une question : Pourquoi obtenons nous collectivement des résultats qu’individuellement personne ne souhaite ?

Aperçu de l'événement

Tout au long de l’année, CARE, ICEM et MEF ont organisé des rencontres virtuelles en invitant des dirigeants et experts de la région pour présenter les retombées économiques sur toute la région d’une synergie entre les pays du Maghreb.
Aujourd’hui, les entreprises du Maghreb ont besoin d’oxygène et le Maghreb représente une opportunité considérable dans divers secteurs : l’automobile, l’offshoring, les start-up, l’énergie, les énergies renouvelables, l’eau, le traitement des déchets, la santé, l’agriculture, l’agro- industrie, les télécoms, la culture, etc.

L'objectif de ce webinaire, exclusivement dédié à traiter de l'environnement des entreprises au Maghreb, est de donner la parole aux dirigeants et aux confédérations patronales pour que chacun puisse parler des réussites actuelles et des solutions réalistes pour une communauté d'affaires régionale toujours plus grande, agile et intégrée.

June 4 @ 21:38

Le Maghreb Economic Forum (MEF) et Initiatives pour la Communauté Economique du Maghreb (ICEM), en partenariat avec le groupe AOB, ont le plaisir de vous inviter au Webinar : « Accélérons la transition énergétique pour un impact économique au Maghreb ».

Les trois agences nationales AMEE (Maroc), ANME (Tunisie) et APRUE(Algérie) présenteront leur stratégie dans un contexte marqué par la COVID19 et dont les attentes économiques et sociales sont très grandes.

Le webinar traitera des opportunités actuelles et futures des trois pays du Maghreb dans le cadre d’une coopération régionale en vue d’opérer une transition énergétique créatrice d’un écosystème durable avec de la recherche, des emplois, de la rentabilité et une plus grande protection de l’environnement. Ensemble, les trois pays de la région peuvent parvenir à résoudre cette fragile équation et devenir la locomotive du continent africain.

En mai 2020, le Forum Économique Mondial (WEF) avait publié l’indice mondiale sur les performances des systèmes énergétiques. Le Maroc, en léger recul demeure le mieux placé au niveau régional puisqu’il occupe la 51ème place mondiale ; l’Algérie s’est hissée au 83ème rang (gagnant 6 places) tandis que la Tunisie enregistrait un net recul de 17 places pour se hisser à la 89ème place.

Comment la crise de la COVID19 peut-elle accentuer la transition énergétique en devenant un vecteur de croissance et de création d’emplois ? Existe-t-il aussi une menace du financement de la transition énergétique dont la collaboration multipartite est très lente et coûteuse à mettre en place ?

La région peut très bien s’appuyer sur son positionnement stratégique pour devenir un acteur mondial dans la production et l’exportation d’énergie solaire. D’ailleurs, en 2016, le Maroc affichait ses ambitions avec la plus grande centrale solaire du monde : le complexe Noor à Ouarzazate d’une superficie de 480 hectares (soit 600 terrains de foot). Le Royaume ambitionne de porter la part des énergies renouvelables dans le mix électrique national à plus de 52 % en 2030.

En Tunisie, la première centrale électrique photovoltaïque vient d’être inaugurée à Tozeur (au sud) en Septembre 2019. D’une superficie de 20 hectares, la centrale pourra répondre à 14% de la consommation annuelle de la région.

Pour ces deux pays, le risque réside dans la combinaison des impacts économiques du coronavirus et de la chute du prix des hydrocarbures qui peuvent freiner certaines décisions importantes en faveur de la transition énergétique. Ghozlene Oubya, présidente de la Chambre de Commerce et d’Industrie Maroco-Tunisienne) a établi un constat simple :

« les deux pays sont importateurs d’énergie et que cela pénalise leur balances commerciales et compétitivité (…). Il nous paraît, ainsi, vital d’en sécuriser l’approvisionnement, de réduire nos dépendances aux énergies fossiles et de diversifier notre mix énergétique en investissant massivement dans les énergies renouvelables. »

En Algérie, la baisse du prix des hydrocarbures accélère quant à elle les ambitions nationales avec un cap donné pour 2030 d’une production de 22 000 MW. Le méga projet débuterait avec la production de 4.000 MW d’électricité pour un investissement supérieur à 3,5 mds de $. Le plus grand pays africain jouit en effet d’une durée d’ensoleillement de 2 000 à 6 000 Wh/ soit l’un des plus importants gisements d’énergie solaire au monde.

Pour conclure, là où certains considèrent le contexte géopolitique régional comme un ralentisseur de cette transition énergétique, nombreux sont ceux qui voient les créations d’emplois et les économies d’échelle comme des catalyseurs pour un Maghreb rayonnant par son énergie. Soyons au rendez vous ce Jeudi à 15h pour prendre part au débat et être force d'initiative.

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Date:: June 4, 2023
Time:: 21:38 UTC+1w
Event Tags:: Education, Inclusion, Maghreb, Reforms, Tunisia, Violent Extremism

June 4 @ 21:38

« COVID-19 : Maghreb ou jamais »

Défis et Opportunités économiques pour les pays du Maghreb

Parce que les peuples du Maghreb souffrent de ne pas vivre ensemble et que les entreprises déplorent l’absence d’un marché commun.

Parce que l’inefficacité des systèmes financiers régionaux fragilise le développement des infrastructures. Parce que le Maghreb c’est aussi et surtout un socle commun, solide et qui a du sens. Nous pensons que la crise du COVID19 est une opportunité inespérée de reprendre les rênes de notre destinée commune face aux égoïsmes nationaux. Ensemble, nous pouvons repenser le Maghreb, animé d’une sincère solidarité.

Un Maghreb façonné et voulu ensemble et non la simple copie de modèles existants et inadaptés ; un Maghreb où nous bâtissons et consolidons ce qui nous unit et nous rapproche tout en étant vigilant sur ce qui nous désunit et nous éloigne.

Cette adversité qui bride l’élan de notre jeunesse et dont l’onde de choc risque de se propager durant plusieurs décennies sera coûteuse en vies, en temps, en emplois et en ressources.

Nos individualités et nos moyens ne peuvent suffire à répondre aux défis toujours plus nombreux et plus violents malgré toute la bonne volonté de nos sociétés civiles et de nos politiques.

C’est d’un Maghreb solidaire et offensif que le MEF se propose de débattre lors de cette E-Conférence intitulée COVID-19 : Maghreb ou jamais, avec quatre panelistes fins connaisseurs des questions Maghrébines :

Amine Bouhassane

Directeur des Ressources Humaines HEYME au Maroc ;

Président du think tank maghrébin ICEM (Initiatives pour la communauté économique du Maghreb.

Ferid Belhaj

Vice-président du Groupe de la Banque mondiale pour l’Afrique du Nord et le Moyen-Orient.

Hakim El Karoui

Senior Fellow à l’institut Montaigne.

Directeur de la société de conseil stratégique, Volentia.

Karim El Aynaoui :

Président du Policy Center for the New South.

Doyen de la Faculté de Gouvernance, Sciences Economiques et Sociales.

Vice-Président Exécutif de l'Université Mohammed VI Polytechnique.

La conférence se tiendra le Vendredi 1 er Mai 2020 à 21h30 (GMT/UTC +1) sur la plateforme zoom et sera modérée par :

Prof. Dr. Rachid Ouaissa

Professeur de politique du Proche et du Moyen à l’université de Marburg.

Directeur du Think Tank MECAM (Merian Center for Advanced Studies in the Maghreb).

Details

Date:: June 4, 2023
Time:: 21:38 UTC+1w
Event Tags:: Education, Inclusion, Maghreb, Reforms, Tunisia, Violent Extremism

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